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    How does Jewish material culture influence Western visual culture, and how were Jews entangled with the art world?

    The richly illustrated Catalan Mappamundi is among the most celebrated medieval maps surviving to this day. She has published work on medieval Jewish art and is particularly interested in Hebrew manuscript illumination and its cultural and social contexts.

    Publications include A Mahzor from Worms She recently completed a study on Elisha Cresques ben Abraham, a fourteenth-century Jewish scribe, illuminator, and map maker in Majorca.

    Holborn, Russell Square; Bus: The Leo Baeck Fellowship Programme is an international fellowship programme for doctoral candidates pursuing research into the history and culture of German-speaking Jewry.

    Every year, the programme offers up to 12 junior researchers the opportunity to spend a year working on research at the location of their choice.

    Skip to content Workshop Sunday 11 and Monday 12 November The workshop intends to analyse the roles of private German-Jewish photography between and For bookings, please contact Dr Kora Baumbach Kora.

    Seeing Jews in Art: The Catalan Mappamundi 6. In he met Löwith and Gadamer in Heidelberg and delivered a public speech on Socrates.

    He had received a call for a temporary lectureship in Hamburg in which he declined for health reasons and received and accepted an honorary doctorate from Hamburg University and the Bundesverdienstkreuz German Order of Merit via the German representative in Chicago.

    John's College, Annapolis in , where he was the Scott Buchanan Distinguished Scholar in Residence until his death from pneumonia in For Strauss, politics and philosophy were necessarily intertwined.

    He regarded the trial and death of Socrates as the moment when political philosophy came into existence. Strauss considered one of the most important moments in the history of philosophy Socrates' argument that philosophers could not study nature without considering their own human nature , [20] which, in the words of Aristotle , is that of "a political animal.

    Strauss distinguished "scholars" from "great thinkers", identifying himself as a scholar. He wrote that most self-described philosophers are in actuality scholars, cautious and methodical.

    Great thinkers, in contrast, boldly and creatively address big problems. Scholars deal with these problems only indirectly by reasoning about the great thinkers' differences.

    In Natural Right and History Strauss begins with a critique of Max Weber 's epistemology , briefly engages the relativism of Martin Heidegger who goes unnamed , and continues with a discussion of the evolution of natural rights via an analysis of the thought of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.

    At the heart of the book are excerpts from Plato , Aristotle , and Cicero. Much of his philosophy is a reaction to the works of Heidegger.

    Indeed, Strauss wrote that Heidegger's thinking must be understood and confronted before any complete formulation of modern political theory is possible, and this entails that political thought has to engage with issues of ontology and the history of metaphysics.

    Strauss wrote that Friedrich Nietzsche was the first philosopher to properly understand historicism , an idea grounded in a general acceptance of Hegelian philosophy of history.

    Heidegger, in Strauss' view, sanitized and politicized Nietzsche, whereas Nietzsche believed "our own principles, including the belief in progress, will become as unconvincing and alien as all earlier principles essences had shown themselves to be" and "the only way out seems to be In the late s, Strauss called for the first time for a reconsideration of the "distinction between exoteric or public and esoteric or secret teaching".

    Esoteric writing serves several purposes: Thus, Strauss agrees with the Socrates of the Phaedrus , where the Greek indicates that, insofar as writing does not respond when questioned, good writing provokes questions in the reader—questions that orient the reader towards an understanding of problems the author thought about with utmost seriousness.

    Strauss's hermeneutical argument [2] —rearticulated throughout his subsequent writings most notably in The City and Man [] —is that, prior to the 19th century, Western scholars commonly understood that philosophical writing is not at home in any polity, no matter how liberal.

    Insofar as it questions conventional wisdom at its roots, philosophy must guard itself especially against those readers who believe themselves authoritative, wise, and liberal defenders of the status quo.

    In questioning established opinions, or in investigating the principles of morality, philosophers of old found it necessary to convey their messages in an oblique manner.

    Their "art of writing" was the art of esoteric communication. This was especially apparent in medieval times, when heterodox political thinkers wrote under the threat of the Inquisition or comparably obtuse tribunals.

    Strauss's argument is not that the medieval writers he studies reserved one exoteric meaning for the many hoi polloi and an esoteric, hidden one for the few hoi aristoi , but that, through rhetorical stratagems including self-contradiction and hyperboles, these writers succeeded in conveying their proper meaning at the tacit heart of their writings—a heart or message irreducible to "the letter" or historical dimension of texts.

    Explicitly following Gotthold Ephraim Lessing 's lead, Strauss indicates that medieval political philosophers, no less than their ancient counterparts, carefully adapted their wording to the dominant moral views of their time, lest their writings be condemned as heretical or unjust, not by "the many" who did not read , but by those "few" whom the many regarded as the most righteous guardians of morality.

    According to his critics, especially Shadia Drury , Strauss wrongly assumes a distinction between an "exoteric" or salutary and an "esoteric" or "true" aspect of the philosophy of pre-modern political philosophers.

    Furthermore, Strauss is often accused of having himself written esoterically. The accusation would seem to rest upon the belief that in modern liberal societies and, especially in the United States, philosophers are not free to voice their philosophical views in public without being accused of impropriety.

    According to Strauss, modern social science is flawed because it assumes the fact—value distinction , a concept which Strauss found dubious. He traced its roots in Enlightenment philosophy to Max Weber , a thinker whom Strauss described as a "serious and noble mind.

    A political scientist examining politics with a value-free scientific eye, for Strauss, was self-deluded. Positivism , the heir to both Auguste Comte and Max Weber in the quest to make purportedly value-free judgments, failed to justify its own existence, which would require a value judgment.

    While modern liberalism had stressed the pursuit of individual liberty as its highest goal, Strauss felt that there should be a greater interest in the problem of human excellence and political virtue.

    Through his writings, Strauss constantly raised the question of how, and to what extent, freedom and excellence can coexist. Strauss refused to make do with any simplistic or one-sided resolutions of the Socratic question: What is the good for the city and man?

    Schmitt, who would later become, for a short time, the chief jurist of Nazi Germany, was one of the first important German academics to review Strauss's early work positively.

    Schmitt's positive reference for, and approval of, Strauss's work on Hobbes was instrumental in winning Strauss the scholarship funding that allowed him to leave Germany.

    Strauss's critique and clarifications of The Concept of the Political led Schmitt to make significant emendations in its second edition.

    Writing to Schmitt in , Strauss summarised Schmitt's political theology that "because man is by nature evil, he therefore needs dominion.

    But dominion can be established, that is, men can be unified only in a unity against—against other men. Every association of men is necessarily a separation from other men Strauss, however, directly opposed Schmitt's position.

    For Strauss, Schmitt and his return to Thomas Hobbes helpfully clarified the nature of our political existence and our modern self-understanding.

    Schmitt's position was therefore symptomatic of the modern liberal self-understanding. Strauss believed that such an analysis, as in Hobbes's time, served as a useful "preparatory action", revealing our contemporary orientation towards the eternal problems of politics social existence.

    However, Strauss believed that Schmitt's reification of our modern self-understanding of the problem of politics into a political theology was not an adequate solution.

    Strauss instead advocated a return to a broader classical understanding of human nature and a tentative return to political philosophy, in the tradition of the ancient philosophers.

    They had first met as students in Berlin. The two thinkers shared a boundless philosophical respect for each other.

    He argued that philosophers should have an active role in shaping political events. Strauss, on the contrary, believed that philosophers should play a role in politics only to the extent that they can ensure that philosophy, which he saw as mankind's highest activity, can be free from political intervention.

    Strauss taught that liberalism in its modern form which is oriented toward universal freedom as opposed to "ancient liberalism" which is oriented toward human excellence , contained within it an intrinsic tendency towards extreme relativism , which in turn led to two types of nihilism: The first was a "brutal" nihilism, expressed in Nazi and Marxist regimes.

    In On Tyranny , he wrote that these ideologies , both descendants of Enlightenment thought, tried to destroy all traditions, history, ethics, and moral standards and replace them by force under which nature and mankind are subjugated and conquered.

    In the belief that 20th century relativism, scientism , historicism , and nihilism were all implicated in the deterioration of modern society and philosophy, Strauss sought to uncover the philosophical pathways that had led to this situation.

    The resultant study led him to advocate a tentative return to classical political philosophy as a starting point for judging political action.

    Strauss argued that the city-in-speech was unnatural, precisely because "it is rendered possible by the abstraction from eros ".

    In fact, he was consistently suspicious of anything claiming to be a solution to an old political or philosophical problem. He spoke of the danger in trying finally to resolve the debate between rationalism and traditionalism in politics.

    Strauss actively rejected Karl Popper 's views as illogical. He agreed with a letter of response to his request of Eric Voegelin to look into the issue.

    In the response, Voegelin wrote that studying Popper's views was a waste of precious time, and "an annoyance". Popper is philosophically so uncultured, so fully a primitive ideological brawler, that he is not able even approximately to reproduce correctly the contents of one page of Plato.

    Reading is of no use to him; he is too lacking in knowledge to understand what the author says. Strauss proceeded to show this letter to Kurt Riezler who used his influence in order to oppose Popper's appointment at the University of Chicago.

    Strauss constantly stressed the importance of two dichotomies in political philosophy: The contrast between Ancients and Moderns was understood to be related to the unresolvable tension between Reason and Revelation.

    The Socratics, reacting to the first Greek philosophers, brought philosophy back to earth, and hence back to the marketplace, making it more political.

    The Moderns reacted to the dominance of revelation in medieval society by promoting the possibilities of Reason. They objected to Aquinas's merger of natural right and natural theology , for it made natural right vulnerable to sideshow theological disputes.

    Both were admirers of Strauss and would continue to be throughout their lives. He wrote several essays pertaining to its controversies but left these activities behind by his early twenties.

    While Strauss maintained a sympathetic interest in Zionism, he later came to refer to Zionism as "problematic" and became disillusioned with some of its aims.

    He taught at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem during the —55 academic year. In his letter to a National Review editor, Strauss asked why Israel had been called a racist state by one of their writers.

    He argued that the author did not provide enough proof for his argument. He ended his essay with the following statement: Political Zionism is problematic for obvious reasons.

    But I can never forget what it achieved as a moral force in an era of complete dissolution. It helped to stem the tide of "progressive" leveling of venerable, ancestral differences; it fulfilled a conservative function.

    Although Strauss espoused the utility of religious belief, there is some question about his views on its truth.

    He especially disapproved of contemporary dogmatic disbelief, which he considered intemperate and irrational and felt that one should either be "the philosopher open to the challenge of theology or the theologian open to the challenge of philosophy.

    Strauss was not himself an orthodox believer, neither was he a convinced atheist. Since whether or not to accept a purported divine revelation is itself one of the "permanent" questions, orthodoxy must always remain an option equally as defensible as unbelief.

    Feser's statement invites the suspicion that Strauss may have been an unconvinced atheist, or that he welcomed religion as merely practically useful, rather than as true.

    The supposition that Strauss was an unconvinced atheist is not necessarily incompatible with Dannhauser's tentative claim that Strauss was an atheist behind closed doors.

    Dannhauser on Leo Strauss and Atheism," an article published in Interpretation: A Journal of Political Philosophy.

    Gildin exposed inconsistencies between Strauss's writings and Dannhauser's claims; he also questioned the inherent consistency of Dannhauser's admittedly tentative evaluation of Strauss's understanding of divinity and religion.

    At the end of his The City and Man , Strauss invites his reader to "be open to the full impact of the all-important question which is coeval with philosophy although the philosophers do not frequently pronounce it—the question quid sit deus ["What is God?

    As a philosopher, Strauss would be interested in knowing the nature of divinity, instead of trying to dispute the very being of divinity.

    But Strauss did not remain "neutral" to the question about the "quid" of divinity. Already in his Natural Right and History , he defended a Socratic Platonic, Ciceronian, Aristotelian reading of divinity, distinguishing it from a materialistic, conventionalist, Epicurean reading.

    Atheism, whether convinced overt or unconvinced tacit , is integral to the conventionalist reading of civil authority, and thereby of religion in its originally civil valence, a reading against which Strauss argues throughout his volume.

    Drury who profess that Strauss approached religion as an instrument devoid of inherent purpose or meaning. Some critics of Strauss have accused him of being elitist , illiberalist and anti-democratic.

    Shadia Drury , in Leo Strauss and the American Right , claimed that Strauss inculcated an elitist strain in American political leaders linked to imperialist militarism , neoconservatism and Christian fundamentalism.

    Drury argues that Strauss teaches that " perpetual deception of the citizens by those in power is critical because they need to be led , and they need strong rulers to tell them what's good for them.

    Strauss has also been criticized by some conservatives. According to Claes G. Ryn , Strauss's anti-historicist thinking creates an artificial contrast between moral universality and "the conventional," "the ancestral," and "the historical.

    Contrary to Strauss's criticism of Edmund Burke, the historical sense may in fact be indispensable to an adequate apprehension of universality.

    Strauss's abstract, ahistorical conception of natural right actually distorts genuine universality, Ryn contends. Strauss does not consider the possibility that real universality becomes known to human beings in concretized, particular form.

    Strauss and the Straussians have paradoxically taught philosophically unsuspecting American conservatives, not least Roman Catholic intellectuals, to reject tradition in favor of ahistorical theorizing, a bias that flies in the face of the central Christian notion of the Incarnation, which represents a synthesis of the universal and the historical.

    According to Ryn, the propagation of a purely abstract idea of universality has contributed to the neoconservative advocacy of allegedly universal American principles, which neoconservatives see as justification for American intervention around the world—bringing the blessings of the "West" to the benighted "rest".

    Strauss's anti-historical thinking connects him and his followers with the French Jacobins , who also regarded tradition as incompatible with virtue and rationality.

    Journalists such as Seymour Hersh have opined that Strauss endorsed noble lies , "myths used by political leaders seeking to maintain a cohesive society.

    These include a belief that the state's land belongs to it even though it may have been acquired illegitimately and that citizenship is rooted in something more than the accidents of birth.

    In his book, Straussophobia , Peter Minowitz provides a detailed critique of Drury, Xenos, and other critics of Strauss whom he accuses of "bigotry and buffoonery.

    Smith , Robert Alter writes that Smith "persuasively sets the record straight on Strauss's political views and on what his writing is really about.

    In particular, Strauss argued that Plato's myth of the philosopher king should be read as a reductio ad absurdum , and that philosophers should understand politics, not in order to influence policy but to ensure philosophy's autonomy from politics.

    Lilla summarizes Strauss as follows:. Philosophy must always be aware of the dangers of tyranny, as a threat to both political decency and the philosophical life.

    It must understand enough about politics to defend its own autonomy, without falling into the error of thinking that philosophy can shape the political world according to its own lights.

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